Some Western scholars criticized China's integration-oriented ethnic policy and compared it to the assimilation policies that the West used to implement. However, those familiar with the development of China's ethnic policies can assert that China's promotion of ethnic integration does not seek to eliminate ethnic boundaries, erase ethnic differences, or pursue "ethnic assimilation."

Instead, it is based on the conscious, voluntary, and autonomous participation of all ethnic groups to share strengths, complement each other's weaknesses, and benefit together. This approach not only conforms to historical patterns but also meets current needs.

What exactly is "assimilation" in the Western context?

The theory of assimilation, an important concept in Western studies of ethnic relations, was initially proposed by American scholars Robert Park and Ernest Burgess. They defined "assimilation" as the process wherein individuals and groups acquire the memories, emotions, and attitudes of other individuals or groups around them and integrate into a shared cultural life by exchanging experiences and histories. They divided the process of interaction between ethnic groups into four irreversible stages: contact, competition, adaptation, and assimilation.

Looking back at history, the assimilation policies implemented by European and American colonizers towards indigenous peoples in Africa, North America, and Oceania have resulted in extremely tragic social consequences.

In North American society during the early colonial period, white settlers tried to exterminate the native American populations by leveraging their military superiority, modern weapons, political systems, modes of production, science and technology and culture. As they needed a lot of labor, they reinstated slavery and imported a large number of black slaves from Africa. Following the abolition of the slave trade, the United States began to absorb Asian labor.

The U.S. government adopted a "melting pot" policy towards immigrant groups from various European countries with different languages, religions, and lifestyles, encouraging them to assimilate into mainstream society with Anglo-Protestant culture as its nucleus. The formation of American national identity involved Americanization and Anglo-conformity, which led to the loss of original identities, exclusion, and marginalization of racial and ethnic minorities. After Native Americans were included in the U.S. census in the early 20th century, the U.S. government implemented assimilation policies for indigenous communities who were driven to various "reservations."

In Canada and Australia, the residential school system for indigenous peoples is an extreme example of forced assimilation and cultural destruction. Residential schools were located outside reserves, forcibly separating children from their families. During their time in school, students received assimilation education mainly consisting of English language learning, religious indoctrination, and compulsory labor. Moreover, many survivors would fall into a vicious cycle of intergenerational trauma upon leaving school. In Australia, colonial authorities implemented a policy of "forced fostering," forcibly placing Aboriginal children in the care of white families, perpetuating assimilation, denying cultural identity, and creating the "Stolen Generations."

These assimilation policies have had profound and enduring effects on indigenous communities, including cultural erosion, social disintegration, and personal trauma.

What are the differences between the concept of Chinese nation and the Western concept of nation?

In 1989, Chinese scholar Fei Xiaotong published an article titled "The Pluralistic Pattern of the Chinese Nation." In 1996, he reiterated his core viewpoints. Some key points include: the Chinese nation is an entity in itself and not just a collective term for the 56 ethnic groups in China. Throughout its history and evolution, the Chinese nation has developed a structural feature: an inner unity in diversity framework. This diverse but integrated structure has survived and grown despite many historical difficulties and transformations, like a snowball rolling downhill. This resilience can be attributed to the cohesive core within the Chinese nation, predominantly constituted by the Han people, known for their powerful political influence and cultural cohesion.

The reason why the Chinese nation is an entity lies in the fact that "all components within this entity have already developed a higher level of national identity," meaning that the majority of people from various groups such as Han, Manchu, Mongol, and Hui identify as part of the Chinese nation, together sharing a destiny of " sharing weal and woe and the same future and sticking together through thick and thin, and life and death.

The concept of "nation" in the West originated in modern times, and its historical basis and theoretical origins are vastly different from those in China. It is not appropriate to simply apply Western theories to discuss national issues in China. The concepts of nation and nationalism originating in Europe are a kind of group identity ideology with a zero-sum structure and strong exclusivity. Such concepts are unlikely to emerge in the soil of Chinese civilization; and Chinese civilization, on the contrary, won't give rise to Western-style nationalism ideological systems.

Discussions about nation and nationalism in Chinese society mainly arose from the influence of Western knowledge systems and discursive concepts in modern times. Today, China emphasizes the "sense of community for the Chinese nation," largely reconnecting with certain aspects of China's political and cultural traditions under new historical conditions. This tradition has sustained the continuity and development of China's political entity for over two thousand years, which is extremely rare in world history. It is precisely for this reason that Western scholars, based on their own experiences, find it difficult to truly understand the history and reality of the Chinese nation.

Ethnic integration has never ceased within the Chinese nation.

Since the Qin and Han dynasties (221 BC – 220 AD), China, with the Central Plains region as its core area, has formed a political entity with frequent changes in its borders and occasional shifts in the dominant groups of central power. This political entity has a unified cosmology, a civilization system centered around Chinese culture, and a social order of intergroup interaction characterized by "unity in diversity" and "education for all without discrimination."

Although there have been numerous changes in dynasties and changes in the origins of the ruling class in various social upheavals, it has always maintained a developmental trend of "unity succeeds division and division follows unity." The mainstream ideology of this cultural system originated from Confucianism and other ideological schools (also known as A Hundred Schools of Thought) during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods (770 BC – 221 BC), and it developed into a unique ideological system with distinctive cosmology and social ethical norms through debates and competitions among various schools of thought.

Compared with many civilizations where religion serves as the core, the most important characteristic of the Chinese civilization system is its secularism. This stands in stark contrast to the ideological foundation of monotheistic religions such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. Chinese sociologist King Yeochi believes that China differs from any other nation-state in modern times. It is "an independent political-cultural entity based on culture rather than race" or a "civilizational state" with a unique civilizational order. American political scientist and renowned Sinologist Lucian Pye referred to China as "a civilization system disguised as a nation-state."

In Chinese history, the ruling class and dominant political groups came from both the Han people of the Central Plains and the peripheral ethnic groups. Yet, irrespective of the ethnic origins of those in power, they consistently uphold the Chinese cultural system and perpetuate the dynastic lineage. This phenomenon is unique and does not exist in any other region in the world. It stems from the cultural soil of Chinese civilization tradition, which does not have the exclusive racial and ethnic concepts found in the West.

The Chinese nation includes not only various ethnic groups within China today but also those that have historically inhabited Chinese territories. Throughout Chinese history, whether it be the Han group in the Central Plains or the various ethnic groups on the peripheries, they have all constituted a mosaic of peoples from different regions and ethnic backgrounds within the East Asian ecological zone. Centered around the economy and population of the Central Plains, all groups on the Chinese land have, over millennia, collectively forged a unified yet diverse political and cultural community marked by extensive exchanges and economic interdependence.

Some Western and Japanese scholars equate China and Chinese nation with the Han people, narrowing China down to the eighteen provinces of the Han region or the agricultural areas south of the Great Wall, excluding historical ethnic minorities and their regimes from Chinese history or positioning them against China. Such assertions are untenable. The continuous integration among various ethnic groups in history has formed the strong cohesion of the Chinese nation, and it is not a new policy proposal, but an inevitable trend that cannot be changed by human will.

In the course of historical development, many groups within the Chinese nation have retained distinct characteristics to this day. Population migrations across regions and interethnic marriages have resulted in certain groups exhibiting differences in terms of physical features, attire, language, religious beliefs, and customs. While some ethnic differences are readily apparent, others are nearly imperceptible.

As noted by Fei Xiaotong that, from a biological standpoint, or what is often referred to as "bloodlines," the "unity" of the Chinese nation has always been shaped by the processes of mixing and blending, with no ethnic group considered "purebred." Fei's description of the "pluralistic pattern of the Chinese nation" offers valuable insight for the international community seeking to comprehend the diverse array of ethnic groups in contemporary China.

Ethnic integration is fundamentally different from the Western concept of assimilation.

In Chinese history, ethnic integration refers to the gradual convergence of distinct ethnic groups through interaction, communication, and mutual understanding, resulting in the blurring of ethnic boundaries. This process fosters the emergence of a larger, more inclusive ethnic community characterized by extensive consensus and coherence across various facets of social life. As a result, individuals from diverse ethnic backgrounds develop a strong collective identity and sense of belonging, sharing common values, spiritual connections, and a heightened sense of psychological affiliation to a broader cultural space.

Since ancient times, within the geographical expense of the Chinese nation, diverse ethnic groups have developed unique cultures shaped by their respective historical legacies, environmental conditions, modes of production, and ways of life. Interactions between agricultural and pastoral communities, driven by mutual dependence and facilitated by trade and commerce, played a pivotal role in promoting ethnic integration.

During times of peace, these interactions fostered the exchange of agricultural and livestock products. However, during periods of conflict, such interactions sometimes led to plundering and warfare. Over time, these exchanges and conflicts contributed to the integration of different economic sectors, laying the material foundation for ethnic integration. Today, this integration continues to be strengthened through the robust economic development of China's modernization drive.

In this process, the blood ties and collective work of various ethnic groups have constituted a complex network of human relationships, shaping the ideological awareness of ethnic integration. This awareness includes shared cultural mentality and common value goals among various ethnic groups, marked by the strong influence of traditional Chinese culture, the widespread use of the national language, and the preservation of the political ideal of unity under heaven.

Ethnic integration and Western assimilation policies are fundamentally different. Western perspectives often regard the exchanges, communication and interaction among various ethnic groups in China as a conquest between nation-states, equating Han people with Chinese and the Chinese nation. They tend to label the process of growing commonality among ethnic groups as "Hanization." This perspective can lead to misconceptions, framing the discourse within the confines of assimilation and internal colonization. To truly understand China, Western scholars must transcend these self-imposed traps of discourse and adopt a more nuanced approach to their analysis.

Natural interaction and communication between ethnic groups will inevitably lead to convergence. Ethnic integration among various ethnic groups in China is a historical phenomenon rather than a forced policy. Today, China's emphasis on ethnic integration reflects a natural and historical process driven by the development of social productive forces. The result of this integration is that differences among ethnic groups gradually diminish while commonalities grow. This should not be viewed as Hanization or assimilation, but rather as a joint movement towards modernization.

The author is Ma Rong, Boya Chair Professor at Peking University.

Liu Xian /Editor    Hu Min /Translator

Yang Xinhua /Chief Editor    Ren Qiang /Coordinator

Liu Li /Reviewer

Zhang Weiwei /Copyeditor    Tan Yujie /Image Editor

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