The development of Tibetan Buddhism has been closely linked to its relationship with Xizang politics. On the whole, the political system of Xizang saw a transformation from religio-political integration to religio-political separation. In terms of religious advancement, religio-political separation is more desirable for the purity of Tibetan Buddhism than religio-political integration, as has been verified in the past thousand years of Chinese history.

Origin of religio-political integration in Xizang

In the second half of the 10th century, Tibetan Buddhism was in its revival period after its extinction more than 100 years ago. During this period, despite frequent regime changes in the Xizang region, Tibetan Buddhism developed with great vitality, giving rise to multiple sects.

In 1269, according to historical records, Emperor Kublai (1215–1294), Shizu of the Yuan Dynasty (1271–1368) appointed Hphags-pa (1235–1280), the fifth Sagya master, as the "Imperial Master," and set up the "Zongzhi Yuan" (later renamed as the "Xuanzheng Yuan") as the central organization in charge of Chinese Buddhist affairs and the administrative affairs of the Xizang areas. Hphags-pa took the position as the head of this organization, who was endowed by the imperial court with the power of governing both the political and religious affairs of the thirteen "Wanhu" in Xizang (official positions, meaning local commanders), thus initiating religio-political integration there.

In 1354, the Kagyupa Order of Phag-mo gru-pa led by Lang's family began to take charge of Tibetan political and religious affairs, with its power officially approved by the central government of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644). After the establishment of the Phag-mo gru-pa regime, a series of laws and regulations were promulgated, and the Rdzong dpon System (a local administrative system where appointed magistrates were responsible for overseeing administrative, judicial, and public security affairs within their designated territories) was established, both of which deepened the integration of politics and religion in Xizang.

In the middle of the 17th century, the Qing Dynasty (1616–1911) further strengthened its governance of Xizang. The Qing Emperors successively recognized the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Fifth Panchen Lama, thus establishing the titles of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Erdeni, as well as endorsing their political and religious status in Xizang. In 1727, the Qing government appointed an Amban minister to oversee the governance of Xizang, following which the local government there (the Kashag) was established as a result of the restructuring of the local administrative system. During the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the 13 Xizang Regulations Made by Imperial Order (1751) and the Authorized 29 Regulations for Better Governance of Xizang (1793) were issued, a means that institutionalized and standardized the Qing's governance of Xizang. In the above-mentioned Authorized 29 Regulations, "religio-political integration" was stipulated whereby the Dalai Lama, and the Panchen assisted the Qing's Amban ministers in Xizang in the management of local affairs.

It can be concluded that Tibetan Buddhism, with the endorsement of successive Chinese central authorities and the support of the feudal serf-owning class in Xizang, has ascended to the stage of secular politics there. In addition, it developed into a two-fold entity of both a strong monastic economy and a distinctive Tibetan Buddhist culture, along with the growth of the feudal serfdom system in Xizang.

However, Tibetan Buddhism was severely harmed by its dependence on secular kingship for centuries despite its vital role in controlling politics, economy, culture, medical care, and education in Xizang and its status of being worshiped by the local residents.

The harm to Tibetan Buddhism by religio-political integration

For a certain period, Tibetan Buddhist monasteries ruled society, where the elite monks, instead of engaging in production, oppressed, exploited, and enslaved serfs for enormous riches. Meanwhile, they held the highest political rights and administrative power, looking down upon the people, driven by unquenchable greed, and drowning in corruption. This was very opposed to the core spirit of compassion and equality of Buddhism.

In the 1950s, Tibetan Buddhist monasteries, in addition to accepting spontaneous donations from believers, designed a variety of ways of coercing people to make donations. For instance, they required believers to hand over all their property after they died. The monasteries also lend money at usurious interest rates several times higher than the principal, and, for continuous gains, issued ten-thousand-year loans as well as phony loans, etc., in which only the interest was allowed to be repaid. The upper lamas conducted commercial activities by making use of their religious identity, in which they forced believers to buy goods unpopular in the market, and in some cases, turned such goods into usurious loans.

Monks were living in strict hierarchy, in which the top sprul-sku lamas seized the power, and most monks had low status, as Russian scholar Tsybikoff wrote in his book Buddhists in the Holy Xizang: "the lives of monks varied greatly depending on their status." In addition, there were torture chambers and weapons in monasteries. Some evil monks, to satisfy their greed, distorted Buddhist teachings, embellished their usurpation as a means to pray for all beings, and tortured and killed serfs who were unable to pay their taxes or who had broken laws, an atrocity completely contradictory to fundamental precepts of Buddhism.

Motivated by power or envy, monks from different monasteries formed factions and fought for influence. Senior monks could not avoid such conflicts, which led to their personal tragedies like the Sixth Dalai Lama's life and the early deaths of the Ninth to Twelfth Dalai Lamas.

The extremely high social status and the excessively wide range of privileges of monks, in stark contrast to the humble status, endless drudgery, and miserable life of common people, made joining the monastery a path to a better life. In this sense, to become a monk meant a desirable status as well as a wealthy life, devoid of what monks were essentially supposed to pursue and practice. For such a religion as Tibetan Buddhism which was meant to seek the vimukta (a Buddhist concept, meaning getting rid of worldly troubles); therefore, religio-political integration was deplorably off the right track.

The nature of Buddhism and the bodhi of Gurus

Buddhism in Xizang derives from both Han Buddhism and Indian Buddhism, both of which stay true to the original ideal of Buddhism. It was this ideal that motivated Śākyamuni to abandon the throne, to pursue the Bodhi (a Buddhist concept, meaning getting enlightenment), and to bring the vimukta to the all. It was also this ideal that Buddhist monks and achievers repeatedly preached and practiced throughout their lives for their vimukta and bodhi.

Religio-political integration was by no means a defining religious attribute of Tibetan Buddhism although, in certain historical periods and social contexts, Tibetan Buddhism was for some time tied to the secular regime with the authorization of the central dynasties and the support of the local aristocracy. Instead, it arose under specific social and historical conditions and would disappear when those conditions were gone accordingly.

The essential attribute of Tibetan Buddhism is the pursuit of the vimukta and bodhi. In realizing this ultimate goal, observance of the precepts is the most important. This was made clear since the time of Śākyamuni and has been recognized by all those who believed in Southern Buddhism, Han Buddhism, and Tibetan Buddhism. When becoming a political appendage, however, Tibetan Buddhism would deviate from its original goal, as was pointed out by wise figures of Tibetan Buddhism such as Living Buddha Gser-khang-ba (1000–1069), Guru Zhwa-dmar-pa (1852–1913), and Guru Dge-vdun-chos-vphel.

Living Buddha Gser-khang-ba promoted the "Ri khrod pa Movement," convinced that "to practice Buddhism for one's own benefit is merely to forsake the essence of Buddhism although, with the aid of worldly authority, Buddhist teachings can be practiced with ease, and offerings to Śākyamuni and his disciples can be enormous." He emphasized that the core of Buddhism is spiritual cultivation and its application in life, an initiative of giving up material comfort of monasteries and pursuing spirituality in seclusion. Many monks throughout history, inspired by his idea, kept aloof from the hustle and bustle of political power and became the "ri khrod pa" hermits who adhered to the essence of Buddhism.

Guru Zhwa-dmar-pa, to achieve true spiritual fulfillment, lived by begging after leaving the monastery full of material concerns and disputes. He established Dhi Tsha Dgon in Qinghai, China, with spiritual pursuit as its core principle.

Guru Dge-vdun-chos-vphel, an extraordinary monk, rebelled against religio-political integration throughout his life, believing that the marriage of Tibetan Buddhism and politics was "like putting salt and sugar together."

Great amounts of historical facts as such prove that all non-Buddhist elements must be removed from Tibetan Buddhism for its sound development.

Religio-political separation brings Tibetan Buddhism back to its nature

In 1959, after the 14th Dalai Lama fled overseas, democratic reform was launched in Xizang and the policy to secure religious freedom based on political unification and religio-political separation was fully implemented. China's central government abolished feudal serfdom and religio-political integration in a "prudent and steady" manner, untying Tibetan Buddhism from the secular power and veering it to the right path of practicing Buddhism, aiding people, and attaining enlightenment.

Religio-political separation helped Tibetan Buddhism come back to its nature as a religion. The government took over the responsibilities of social management, health care, education, and economic regulation, which Tibetan Buddhism should not have handled, so that Buddhist orders, monasteries, and monks can fully study and practice Buddhism and run their monasteries. In addition, monks gained the legitimate right to participate in politics and deliberation voluntarily. All forms of feudal ownership, exploitation, and servitude under the guise of faith were eliminated, and feudal control and hierarchy in monasteries were abolished, creating an environment in line with the Buddhist spirit of compassion and equality.

Religio-political separation has brought about the law-based regulation of all religious affairs, promoting Tibetan Buddhism to develop equally and freely. The rights and obligations of monasteries, monks, and followers are clearly defined by laws and regulations, and all kinds of affiliation and hierarchy were abolished. The reincarnation of the Living Buddha has been preserved as a tradition, subject to legal regulation and social supervision as other affairs are. The public funds and properties of the monasteries are put into a democratic management system rather than the one centered around the monks. With the principle of "keeping both farming and practicing in the monastic life," monasteries can engage in agriculture, commerce, services, and other self-funding activities in compliance with social and religious laws and regulations for the monks and nuns. The freedom of religious belief is guaranteed by the Constitution; all citizens have the freedom to believe or not to believe in a religion, and monks and nuns can choose to end or continue their lives as monks and nuns out of their wishes. On the whole, these legal constraints and guarantees base religious beliefs on reasonable thoughts and choices, safeguarding the purity of the Buddhist practice and Buddhist orders.

In addition, religio-political separation ensured that the monks' basic right to subsistence has been protected by laws and the social security system. Monks and nuns in Xizang Autonomous Region have medical insurance, pension insurance, and minimum living guarantees. Besides, the upkeep of monastic buildings is part of the guaranteed housing construction plans. These systems have reduced monks' dependence on their original families by helping them live a decent life, thus detaching them away from political turbulence and enabling them to focus on studying Buddhist scriptures, practicing meditation, and taking part in rituals.

Compared to the serfdom era when Tibetan Buddhism was under the system of religio-political integration, religio-political separation has clearly provided more favorable conditions for the development of Tibetan Buddhism.

The author is Gao Ying, associate researcher, Institute of Religion, China Tibetology Research Center.

Liu Xian /Editor    Deng Zhong/Translator

Yang Xinhua /Chief Editor    Liu Xian /Coordination Editor

Liu Li /Reviewer

Zhang Weiwei /Copyeditor    Tan Yujie /Image Editor

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