Dysfunctions in the American administration and China
- By George N. Tzogopoulos
0 Comment(s)
Print
E-mail China.org.cn, September 4, 2017
|
|
|
U.S. President Donald Trump [Xinhua] |
When Donald Trump won the American election last November, it was not clear how his presidency could develop. Yet, it was clear it would be different in style and perhaps in certain policies from that of his predecessor.
Seven months after his inauguration, that prognosis seems correct. The recent Charlottesville episode revealed evident divisions in American society. These divisions will perhaps deepen in the aftermath of the tragic incident and the equivalence suggested by Trump between neo-Nazis and counter-protesters.
Donald Trump is governing a country in which he has warm supporters, but those who oppose him do so strongly. A recent Washington Post-ABC Poll suggested 62 percent of Republicans still approved of his way of handling affair, while 84 percent of Democrats disapproved.
Data seem to confirm that – despite worldwide outcry – Trump can still count on a significant part of the electorate of a conservative political persuasion. More importantly, he is still endorsed by citizens not associated with any political ideology, who refrain from helping the work of polling companies and who view him as an anti-establishment figure.
Although Trump’s solid footing in certain parts of the American society cannot be questioned, existing divisions stemming from his eccentric profile critically impact on the modus operandi of his administration. In recent days, American media have extensively focused on how his support team has changed after many close colleagues either resigned or were pushed into resignation.
Look at some of the high-profile examples. White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus was replaced after 190 days. White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer stayed only 183 days. National Security Adviser Mike Flynn resigned after 25 days. And White House Communications Director Anthony Scaramucci lasted only six days.
The most recent case is that of chief strategist and senior counselor, Steve Bannon. According to The New York Times, Bannon frequently clashed with other aides, fighting over trade, the war in Afghanistan, taxes, immigration and the role of government.
His influence in the White House seemed to be tremendous. Time magazine called him the “The Great Manipulator.” There is much speculation on the reasons why he left the White House; however, it’s the result that matters more.
As far as China is concerned, the removal of Bannon might partly influence Trump’s approach. The former chief strategist was a fierce critic. In March 2016, he even said: “We’re going to war in the South China Sea in five to 10 years.”
Before his departure from the White House, he also said in an interview with the American Prospect that the U.S. had been locked in “economic war” with China. Therefore, now that Bannon is no longer close to Trump, Beijing can, at first glance, benefit.
Leading media agree with this assessment. The Washington Post said his “departure has huge implications for the U.S.-China relationship.” And the Financial Times considered his exit “a reminder of China’s success in containing Trump.”
As always, the Chinese administration does not need to be influenced by ungrounded or premature enthusiasm, or necessarily take some media comments seriously. Bannon might have left, but no one can anticipate whether his foreign policy orientation will be abandoned.
Trump’s decision to sign a memorandum asking his trade representative, Ambassador Robert Lighthizer, to investigate China’s laws, policies, practices, and actions raises new questions on how he will approach a country he will be visiting before long.
More importantly, Bannon had also advocated some positions in accord with Chinese calculations. With reference to North Korea, he had underlined that “there is no military solution” because the risk of high casualties in South Korea would be particularly high.
His comment contradicted perhaps Trump’s warning that Pyongyang would “be met with fire and the fury the like of which the world has never seen.” What if the U.S. president forced him to resign because of his objections to his North Korea agenda?
All in all, dysfunctions in the American administration delay the shaping of a coherent American foreign policy under Trump, pose obstacles to clarity and create more skepticism than certainty.
Although foreign countries including China are not intervening in U.S. politics and respect relevant political developments, unknown factors are often increasing instead of being reduced to continuous internal changes. Yet, Sino-American relations require stability and not sudden adjustments.
George N. Tzogopoulos is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit:
http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/GeorgeNTzogopoulos.htm
Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.
Go to Forum >>0 Comment(s)