The June 7-8 summit between President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart Barack Obama has drawn worldwide attention. Though some political observers are busy trying to fathom why the Sino-US summit is being held earlier than expected and why its venue is the Sunnylands Estate in California instead of Washington DC, the importance of the meeting lies elsewhere.
The two leaders' first face-to-face meeting since Obama began his second term as US president and Xi assumed the leadership of China will help find a way for Beijing and Washington to work with each other, not against each other. This is important because the significance of Sino-US relations extends far beyond the bilateral scope and the two countries' interactions have a direct bearing on regional geopolitics, and global peace, stability and development.
The common interests of China and the US far outweigh their differences, but we cannot underestimate the risks these differences, especially security concerns, could pose to bilateral relations. Sino-US security ties, especially military ties, have always been a sensitive subject, which, if not properly handled, could compromise their efforts to build a new type of relationship.
Since the establishment of diplomatic ties between the two countries, the role of Sino-US military relations in overall bilateral ties has been different at different stages. During the Cold War era, strengthening military cooperation in response to the Soviet Union's military threat was the main driving force of Sino-US ties. In the first few years after the establishment of diplomatic ties, Sino-US military exchanges and cooperation played an important role in promoting bilateral relations.
But the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War diminished Beijing's role in Washington's security strategy. And in the period of twists and turns that followed, Sino-US military ties were always the "first to break and last to be back on track".
In the 21st century, given China's rapid development and growing international influence, many observers started seeing Sino-US military ties more as a zero-sum game. The Chinese military's capability, hardware research and development, strategy and combat theory are sources of worry for the US, which is changing its global military strategy (with special focus on its allies) to prepare for any "eventuality". The "Air-Sea Battle" concept and the development of a conventional prompt global strike system are special parts of the Pentagon strategy, because they are aimed at consolidating the US' military superiority over China.
Although China is the "weaker" and "aggrieved" party when it comes to bilateral military interactions, the US has always seen it as the "guilty" party. Apart from criticizing China's "opaque" military budget, the US has made an issue out of China's efforts to develop its navy. Recently, the US made a hue and cry over cyber-attacks allegedly launched by China on American government and business websites. It seems that some US interest groups have mastered the art of exaggerating China's military threat to advance their political goals.
That's why when Xi and Obama meet in California and draw a blueprint for interactions between the two countries, they cannot afford to ignore security and military relations. They have to take the bull by the horns and turn "negative energy" into "positive energy".
In the past, conflicting Sino-US security interests have received undue importance while their common security interests have been ignored. It is in two countries' interests to maintain regional peace, stability, security and prosperity. More importantly, their conflicting security interests can be turned into opportunities, which the two powers can pursue for mutual benefit.
For example, curbing "Taiwan independence" a few years ago and preventing a military conflict between China and Japan over the Diaoyu Islands recently were in the common security interests of China and the US, for an armed conflict in the region would inevitably drag China and the US into a maelstrom.
Today's world is full of challenges, many of which need Sino-US cooperation to address. This not only has a direct bearing on a stable, healthy development of Sino-US relations, but also on the stability and security in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific region as a whole. To break the "security dilemma" of Sino-US relations, the two countries should handle their relationship through "mutual adaptation" and "mutual concern".
The US should abandon its Cold War mentality and "Air-Sea Power" concept, and cease to view the modernization of China's military, particularly its navy, as a threat to its security. By abandoning its zero-sum thinking and becoming open to the concept of cooperative security to jointly address security challenges, the US will not only pave the way for healthy military ties with China, but also will create an atmosphere for the healthy development of overall Sino-US relations.
China, on its part, should promote a harmonious world and peaceful development, and never seek hegemony. An important way to break the Sino-US "security dilemma" is to improve the two countries' strategic communication.
Moreover, the two sides must properly handle "third-party factors". Some disputes over territorial and maritime rights and interests between China and some of its neighbors remain unresolved. China should firmly safeguard its national interests but, at the same time, it should also try to resolve the disputes through peaceful and diplomatic means. The problem is that some countries are trying to get the US involved in their disputes with China, which will complicate things further.
As long as China and the US are willing to strengthen cooperation and avoid playing a zero-sum game, there is great potential for Sino-US military cooperation, especially against non-traditional security threats. This can also help strengthen strategic trust between the two countries' militaries, eliminate misunderstandings and prevent strategic misjudgments.
There is every reason to believe that with concerted efforts, China and the US can bid adieu to the zero-sum game and play the leading role in building a harmonious world.
It is especially in this context that the upcoming Sino-US summit presents a great opportunity for the two countries' leaders to promote bilateral relations, especially military relations, for a better and more secure future.
The author is a rear admiral and former director of the Institute for Strategic Studies at the People's Liberation Army National Defense University.