Egypt's 'new dawn' ends in blood

By Sajjad Malik China.org.cn, August 16, 2013

When right-wing Muslim politician Mohammed Morsi was elected as the first democratic president of Egypt, people doubted that he would complete his term in office. But few could have imagined that his downfall would come so early and at such a cost. The decision by the powerful military to depose the unassuming Islamist leader on July 3 has ripped open many old wounds in the ideological struggle between secular and Islamic forces and created new challenges for the Egyptian ruling elite, in dealing with radical forces using popular agitation as tool to gain support, rather than using their traditional tactic of terror.

Egyptian fire fighters extinguish the flame at the government building in Giza, the city next to Cairo, after an angry crowd stormed the governor's office and set fire here on Aug. 15, 2013. Official reports said that some 525 people were killed and 3,717 others injured in Wednesday's dispersing operation against pro-Morsi sit-ins in Cairo and Giza, as well as in relevant clashes across the country. [Xinhua/Engy Emad]

Morsi became president after Hosni Mubarak, the last Pharaoh, was forced to quit in February 2011 after weeks of protests. His fall left a huge power vacuum, as he had never groomed a possible successor. Aware of the aspirations of the people who had protested for liberal democracy, the generals promised new elections. They kept their promise, but the final victory of Morsi, who was supported by the Muslim Brotherhood, surprised the ruling junta.

The new leader took power in June 2012. It was termed a new democratic dawn in a country previously run by kings and a military dictator.

Morsi's rise to power was a dream-come-true for religious groups, but a nightmare for Egypt's secular elite and regional countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Oman, Doha and Kuwait. It meant giving legitimacy to groups like Hamas in Gaza. It also cleared the road to power for several other extremist groups fighting for Sharia laws.

The office of president weighed heavily on Morsi, who occasionally appeared to blunder. Once he said "amen" to a prayer that Israel should be destroyed, which created uproar in the West. While he was still trying to reassure the international powers about his democratic credentials, domestic problems multiplied. The power struggle between the secular army supported by the West and Islamist sympathizers of Morsi started within weeks of his gaining power. Mohamad Hussein Tantawi, head of the country's armed forces and Sami Anan, the army chief of staff were removed. He also angered the liberal democratic forces by reforming the government using Islamic Sharia laws, as required by his Muslim Brotherhood party.

The brotherhood is one of the oldest, most influential and largest Islamic movements. The group has been struggling to introduce strict Islamic laws since 1928 when it was founded. Morsi was supported by the Freedom and Justice Party, and his rise was a victory for radical Islam in Egypt, where modern Muslim extremism and jihadis have their origin. A number of key Al Qaeda leaders including its head Ayman al Zawahiri also came from Egypt.

Morsi failed to improve the economy and address civil-military relations. He also failed to touch upon the popular aspiration of a charismatic leader which many Egyptian have been accustomed to since the days of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the most vocal exponent of Arab nationalism. Increasing disenchantment resulted first in muted criticism and then in open defiance. When protests broke out in June against him, it was clear that he had lost the case. The army removed the government and arrested the president. The humiliating treatment of Morsi helped him to gain some lost ground and agitation began in his favor. This time pro-Morsi radicals were leading the sit-ins.

Their continued presence at key places created a situation which the state authorities called a "threat to national security." Finally, the security forces launched the crackdown on Wednesday morning and by the evening had driven away the crowds. But it came with a heavy cost. According to the latest reports, more than 520 people were reported killed and over 3,000 injured. Mohamed el-Beltagi, a top Brotherhood politician, warned that the country would turn into another Syria, where more than 100,000 people have been killed so far.

The new confrontation in Egypt has far-reaching implications for the Arab and Islamic worlds. The gulf between political Islam and secular forces will increase and violent groups like al-Qaeda will use it to drive moderate forces away from liberal politics. Anti-West forces will use it as an example to highlight the duplicity of the U.S. to deprive popular leaders of their power while siding with military rulers. As the possibility of gaining power through the ballots narrows, more Muslim youth will take up arms, leading to new brutal power struggles.

While the families of the Egyptian victims bury the dead, many wonder whether their country will descend into greater chaos like Syria or whether another Pharaoh will bring stability through brutal rule. Neither scenario would bode well for democracy. It seems that a blood-soaked dusk has replaced a promised dawn in Egypt.

The writer is a senior Pakistani journalist and columnist.