Addressed by Mr. Ye Xiaowen at
Chung Chi College of Chinese University of Hong Kong
19 February 2001
Many of you are interested in the evolution of China's religious
policies in the past 50 years. There is indeed an evolution in this
respect. But two key policies remain constant -- that of respect
for freedom of religious belief and that of independent running of
religious affairs. Some friends here may ask: does the ruling
Communist Party, a party that advocates atheism, really respects
the freedom of religious belief? Is it still necessary for China to
continue to run its religious affairs independently when the whole
country is embracing ever-increasing openness to the outside world?
In order to answer these questions, we cannot but spend some time
talking about the 50 years that had preceded the past 50 years,
which may have served as a historical background or a preparatory
stage for the latter. Similarly, we cannot but study how religions
in China (not including those in Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan) have
traversed their century-long journey amid the Chinese nation's
sufferings and humiliation, resistance and liberation, reform and
development, and the ongoing rejuvenation, and how they have
completed their respective transformation under new social
conditions. An assessment of the merits or demerits of China's
religious policies against such a backdrop may prove to be fairer
and more objective.
Two Distinctive Features
There were certainly more than two features with regard to China's
religions over the past millennium. Let me give you a few examples.
Among the four major world ancient civilizations (Egyptian,
Babylonian, Chinese and Indian), Chinese civilization is the only
one which has never been interrupted by any alien culture. China's
religions took pride in being patriotic. Throughout Chinese
history, there was never a theocratic national regime and all
Chinese religions were accustomed to putting the country's interest
first. Given the Chinese nation's multi-ethnic nature, all Chinese
religions naturally took harmony and peace as their cherished
values. China was well known for its rites and etiquettes, and most
religions in China stressed ethical cultivation.
But if you look at the past 100 years when China was once reduced
to a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, you would find two
striking features of Chinese religions -- the "patriarchal" nature
deriving from its semi-feudal status and the "foreign" nature
deriving from its being a semi-colony of many foreign powers.
Traditional Chinese
religions at the threshold of the 20th century had a
patriarchal-feudal character. China's patriarchal clan
system, based on blood lineage in both political and social realms,
had a long past. In feudal China, patriarchal-feudalism became the
dominant ideology and political mainstay. At the political and
institutional level, it helped secure the "divine power" of feudal
rule. And at the ethical and cultural level, it helped preserve the
rites and customs in social relations. John King Fairbank believed
that such an institutional and cultural continuity might have
generated a powerful inertia that adhered to the established rules.
Max Weber described China as a "nation based on patriarchal clans",
Confucianism a "sober religion" and the Chinese a "people not yet
intoxicated". He saw Chinese religions as basically present-world
oriented. Liang Shumin was of the view that in China, "society was
organized along patriarchal lines and ethics took the place of
religion". It was in such a powerful inertia that the
Confucianism-centered Chinese culture emerged, and that Chinese
religions -- Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism influencing one
another -- all adopted the teachings of honoring the heaven, the
ancestor and the country, stressing the preservation of the present
world and adapting to it rationally. The Chinese culture based on
patriarchal-feudalism proved capable of assimilating many alien
cultures. Religions coming from elsewhere must respect and adapt to
such Chinese character before they could gain a foothold in
China.
When Buddhism was first introduced into China, it continued to
pursue its proud tradition of shunning the rich and powerful.
Before long, it found it could not get anywhere if worship of the
sovereign and of the ancestors was not practiced. Later, Buddhist
followers were encouraged to be loyal to the emperor and practice
filial piety.
Christianity had been a long-standing factor in the shaping of
Western society and culture, but it had a rough time adjusting in
China. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi of Qing Dynasty, a
"controversy of rites" erupted. The Pope's forbidding Chinese
Catholics to venerate Confucius and ancestors led to a "century of
ban" for the religion in China.
Why is it that, being both foreign religions, Christianity could
not take root in China but Buddhism could? In the words of
Professor Pan Guangdan, "This is all because of the agreement with
the soil; the plant can grow and prosper naturally if it can
benefit from the soil. This is not to suggest that Christianity is
in itself a curse. This is merely to say that a seed, a good seed
at that, can still bear ominous fruits if it fails to suit the soil
it is sown in."
Patriarchal-feudalism was culturally significant in that it
compelled religions to get involved in the world, stress secular
values and practice ethical cultivation. But it also made religions
the guardian of feudalism, and in that sense, it was not all
positive. In Tibet, there was for a long time a brutal theocratic
system that combined Tibetan Buddhism with a feudal serfdom. In
Northwest China, there was once a hereditary Menhuan system that
combined the Islamic faith with the landlord system, resulting in
the emergence of a number of "imams" who held absolute power over
the life and property of the believers.
With China becoming a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society, some
religions in China began to assume a character of "foreignness".
China entered the 20th century with a deep sense of national
humiliation. In face of unprecedented challenges, all the Chinese
wondered where they could find a way to save their country. At this
time of national disaster and intensified clashes between
indigenous and Western cultures and as the traditional Chinese
religions struggled for survival, Protestantism and Catholicism
made large-scale inroads into China. A religion that was supposed
to spread the words of the Gospel had become the tool of the
aggressors. In the words of Jiang Menglin, Lord Buddha came to
China riding on the back of a white elephant whereas Jesus Christ
flew in on cannon shells." Under the protection of
extraterritoriality, this religion, that had taught one to love
others as oneself, turned to its opposite. In the words of Baud
White, all missionaries benefited from the Opium War and the
treaties signed by China after its defeat. Indeed, some
missionaries went so far as to participate in opium trade, loot
land property and perpetrate serious misconduct. Some Chinese
converts took advantage of their status to openly prey on the weak
and vulnerable. When the injured parties brought the case to the
officials, they were told that foreigners were beyond the
jurisdiction of the Chinese court (according to Gang Hengyi). As
the missionary always protected the believers and the consul always
protected the missionary under any circumstances, believers always
won and non-believers always lost. With believers acting more
arrogantly and out of control, people's anger and frustration
mounted and eventually led to revolts (according to Zeng Guofan).
As a popular rhyme at the time goes, "There is no rain and the
paddy is dry, because the church shut out the sky." When the abuse
became unbearable, instances of "religious cases" increased. There
were more than 600 such cases in modern time. By the 1920s, Chinese
resistance to foreign churches, notably among Chinese
intellectuals, took on a more organized and more rational approach,
in the form of the Non-Christian Movement, the Anti-imperialist
Alliance and the movement for the recovery of education right,
etc.
In
old China, religions with the above-mentioned two features were
often put to negative use by the ruling classes. The feudal
landlord class, the estate-holding class, the reactionary warlords
and bureaucrat-capitalist class controlled the leadership of
Buddhism, Taoism and Islam, while forces of foreign colonialism and
imperialism controlled the leadership of the Protestant and
Catholic churches.
Attempts at Changing the Status quo
Challenges against
patriarchal-feudalism came from progressive intellectuals in the
wake of the Reform Movement of 1898. The political and
institutional aspects of the patriarchal-feudalism became the first
and foremost target. In order to refute what was propped up as the
"divine right of kings," they introduced natural sciences and
humanities from the West, including enlightened religious
teachings, to analyze China's feudal system, its traditional
culture and traditional religions and initiated "new studies" of
one kind and another. They realized that to save China from
national demise, it was essential to reform; and to remove feudal
monarchy, one must first remove feudal religious authority. Cai
Yuanpei, a forerunner of the May 4th Movement, called for replacing
autocratic monarchy with humanism and religious authority with
science and knowledge. But his zeal went largely ignored. Still,
cries for national independence and rejuvenation never died down.
Buddhist Master Hongyi's admonition of never forgetting national
salvation, Taoist Priest Maoshan's preaching of repulsing the
aggressors, and the heroic deeds of the Anti-Japanese Muslim
Brigade were reflections of Chinese resistance and patriotism.
Challenges to the
"foreignness" of Chinese religions came from enlightened personages
of Chinese Catholic and Protestant churches. During the May
4th Movement, patriotic clergymen, believers and students of
missionary schools in Tianjin, Shanghai and other cities called for
changes to the colonial structure of the Chinese Catholic Church.
Ma Xiangbo and others proposed that Chinese bishops be allowed to
preside over diocese affairs and tendencies to despise Chinese
culture in seminary education be rejected. Later the Vatican was
forced to approve some sinicization measures in the Chinese
Church.
The Protestant Church launched the localization movement, calling
upon Chinese believers to shoulder their responsibility on the one
hand and carry forward the inherent oriental culture on the other
so as to rid the church of the tag of being a "foreign one" (Cheng
Jingyi). Also raised at the time was the slogan of
"self-administration, self-support and self-propagation" (Wu
Yaozong). In 1903, Yu Guozhen, a Protestant clergyman in Shanghai,
proposed that believers of noble aspirations should seek
self-standing, self-support and self-propagation and not subject
themselves to the control of foreign churches. He set up an
independent Christian Association of China in 1906. Response from
Protestant believers across the country was enthusiastic. "We want
esteem -- for the country, for the Church and for fellow
Christians." (Life, issue no. 9, Volume V, 1925) Even
ordinary believers expressed the strong feeling that at a time of
national crisis, anyone with a sense of patriotism should seek
independence from foreign control (Chinese Protestant Church
Yearbook 1928).
The sinicization of the Catholic Church and localization of the
Protestant Church were, from a cultural point of view, all aimed at
seeking a meeting point with China's traditional Confucianism so as
to remove their "Western taint" in a quest for "Confucianized
Christianity." These innovative attempts, however, made little
difference to the overall situation. The times would not allow such
movements to succeed even in a token way (Wu Yaozong), the Chinese
people's hatred for the "foreign" religions, which they saw as
colonialist appendages, remained deep-seated.
It
would take a stupendous, earth-shaking transformation of the entire
society for the Chinese religions to turn over a new leaf.
A Rebirth
In
1949, the People's Republic of China was proclaimed, putting an end
to the period of semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism. The
long-awaited self-renewal of Chinese religions took place in a
changed country and changed society.
China's Protestant and
Catholic Churches embarked on the road of independent
administration. After Luoyang in Henan Province was
liberated, local believers were so excited that they quickly
demanded for the establishment of an independent church.
(Tianfeng, issue no. 242,1950) Shortly after Shanghai was
liberated, believers wrote to newspapers demanding expulsion of
"religious peddlers" who, under the cloak of preaching religions,
were committing aggression against China. They urged Chinese
believers to organize their own independent churches by democratic
ways (Shanghai Ta Kung Pao, 17 June 1949).
In
the spring of 1950, Wu Yaozong and others, after visiting churches
around the country, together with some clergymen from Beijing and
Tianjin, went to see Premier Zhou Enlai. They had three long
conversations. When Wu told Premier Zhou about the ideal of
self-administration, self-support and self-propagation, the premier
was very supportive, saying that Chinese Christian churches must
eliminate from the remnants and influence of imperialism, restore
religion to its original color and attain a healthy development.
Only by doing so, said the premier, could the Christian faith
present a new image to the Chinese people. The Chinese Protestant
Church seized the historical opportunity and made a correct choice.
In July 1950, an open letter entitled The Way for Chinese
Christians in Building New China was issued. It made it clear
that self-administration, self-support and self-propagation, an
ideal that Chinese Christians had always cherished but failed to
realize, would be carried forward. In the following four years,
400,000 or two-thirds of China's Protestants signed the open
letter. The "Three-Self" Patriotic Christian Movement unfolded
throughout the country, which was described by Wu Yaozong as a
rebirth of Chinese Christianity.
The clergy and members of the Chinese Catholic Church were not to
be left behind. In November 1950, Father Wang Liangzuo of Sichuan
Province issued the "Three-Self Patriotic Reform Declaration", the
first of its kind. In January 1951, Catholic believers in Tianjin
were the first to set up the Preparatory Committee for the
Promotion of Catholic Reform Movement. In February 1957, the
Chinese Catholic Church held a Conference of Fellow Believers for
more than 40 days, which laid down the principal guideline for
self-administration of church affairs.
Democratic reforms of the
religious systems of Islam and Tibetan Buddhism were carried
out. Such reforms called for the abolition of all feudal
prerogatives enjoyed by religions, such as monastery-run tribunals,
prisons and punishment, interference with civil litigations,
appointment of tribal chieftains and clergymen, unlawful possession
of weapons, interference with marriage freedom, oppression and
discrimination against women and meddling in education. The
ownership of means of production by monasteries and mosques was
abolished, so were the practices of usury, corvee and other
exploitative systems. The feudal way of running the monasteries,
and the Islamic "Menhuan" system characterized by the monopoly of
power in issuing religious instructions, appointing clergy and
practicing hereditary succession of religious chiefs, were also
abolished. These reforms were, on the whole, conducted in a
peaceful and cautious manner. The Government made a clear
distinction between ethnicity and religion and went about the
changes in a step-by-step way so as to stop confusing the two.
Also, the Government made a clear distinction between religious
belief and religious system, pointing out that the former is in the
realm of thought while the latter is a matter of social system
whose feudalist nature should and could be gradually reformed. In
the case of Tibet, reform took a particularly cautious approach. In
the beginning, the policy stressed peacefulness and six years of
absence of any reform. It was only until 1959 when the reactionary
upper clique of the Tibetan local government launched an all-out
armed rebellion that the policy was modified to carry out reforms
while quelling the rebellion. Still, those who had not been
involved in the rebellion would not be subject to immediate reform.
On the basis of reform and consultation, monasteries in Tibet set
up their democratic management committees and formulated a
tentative Charter for Democratic Administration of Monasteries.
Reform of the Han-Chinese
Buddhism and Taoism was also carried out. Elements of
patriarchal-feudalism in their creed, system and property were
removed. Old rules and habits that put the lower clergy's physical
and mental health in jeopardy were abolished and harmful phenomena
of feudal superstition widely practiced in temples and shrines were
eliminated.
In
eliminating the nature of patriarchal-feudalism in the democratic
reform of China's religious system, the key was to do away with the
stamp of the feudalism in the system, namely, prerogatives of
oppression and exploitation by the feudal rulers and the mental
bondage they imposed on the people. On the cultural level, however,
the reform followed an approach of confirming the system's emphasis
on ethics and discarding dross of the feudal morals. As to
Confucianism, its traditional emphasis on virtues, including the
importance given to one's responsibility towards one's country and
family and self-cultivation was not to be negated offhandedly. Just
as Ding Guangxun said, "China has a long-history civilization and
is well known for its morals and rituals. The Chinese
intellectuals, in particular, are more interested in listening to
messages on ethics than stories about paradise and hell, and they
want to know if religion has got something to tell them."
Thanks to the democratic reform and their new independence in
church administration, Chinese religions stopped being an appendage
of imperialism or tools in the hands of the former ruling class.
Instead, they were restored to their original color -- following
their fundamental beliefs, keeping to their distinctive
institutions and rituals and having the capacity to independently
carry out normal religious activities. They became genuine
embodiment of godly love and carriers of cultural traditions.
--
The Protestant and Catholic Churches, having removed their
"foreignness" tag, became genuine Chinese institutions. China
declared for the first time that its religious organizations and
religious affairs would henceforward be subject to no foreign
domination and control.
--
Having abolished patriarchal-feudalism and eliminated feudal
superstitions from its traditional religions, China declared that
no one should use religion to carry out activities that undermine
public order, impair the health of citizens and hamper the
education system of the state.
These two statements, together with the principle of freedom of
religious belief, were written into China's Constitution (Article
36).
In
his speech to the National Conference on United Front Work in 1993,
President Jiang Zemin said, "The reforms we carried out to the
country's religious system -- removing imperialist manipulation and
control in the Catholic and Protestant Churches and starting
independent administration of church affairs, and removing feudal
oppression and exploitation in Buddhist and Islamic establishments
-- were entirely necessary and justified. They enabled China's
religions to take an important step towards adapting to the
socialist society."
Policies and Concepts
Just as the realization of the rights to subsistence and
development is a prerequisite to the full enjoyment of human
rights, restoring religion to its original color and making them
sound and healthy is crucial to the genuine enjoyment of the right
and freedom of religious belief. These rights were first defined by
the bourgeoisie and are now widely recognized as fundamental human
rights.
The question on a lot of people's mind is this: can New China,
whose ruling Communist Party does not believe in any religion, and
can the new society it has created, whose mainstream ideology
cannot possibly be any religion, accommodate religion and treat it
well? With misgivings and misunderstanding, some religious
personages left for overseas in the early years after liberation.
Some of these people, I must say, were of outstanding quality and
integrity, and they have made important contributions to the
development of religion and culture overseas. Yet the majority
preferred to stay on their homeland. Master Yuan Ying, for example,
had received air tickets with advice for a quick departure on the
eve of liberation. He said, "Though I have no idea whether the
Communists would abolish religion or not, I am clear about one
thing -- I am a Chinese monk and I love my country." He decided to
wait and see.
As
a matter of fact, the Communists also took a "wait and see" stance.
It kept reminding itself of Lenin's teaching that religion in a
socialist society is a question that calls for "special care,
exceptional prudence and thoughtful consideration".
Indeed, there have been mistakes and profound lessons in our
experience. Our conviction to principles have become more steadfast
and our understanding of the question more lucid because of these
setbacks. With 50 years of thinking and practice and through
positive and negative experience, we now have a deeper, clearer and
more resolute grasp of the issue.
First, there is no
conflict between our respect for freedom of religious belief and
our advocacy of dialectical materialism.
According to dialectical materialism, matter is primary, and in
that sense, it runs counter to the idealism advocated by religion.
Yet, by matter being primary, we mean that existence and
objectivity is primary. This implies that the existence,
development and changes of all objective matters follow their
inherent laws, and any outside interference with their objective
existence and inherent laws or any handling of complicated
questions in a simplistic way, is therefore harmful. Religion is an
objective social phenomenon and develops according to objective
law. To respect freedom of religious belief is to respect objective
existence, objective process and objective law. In this sense, our
advocacy of dialectical materialism does not run counter to our
respect for freedom of religious belief.
The question, then, is whether or not we should recognize religion
as a long-term objective existence in the socialist society. This
question looks simple in appearance, but it determines our basic
policy orientation. It is a question that we have given a lot of
thought and constant review.
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In 1952, a report entitled Summary of the Main Experience of
Party Work among Ethnic Minorities in the Past Few Years was
issued by the Central Government which said, "Some comrades in
certain areas have committed impetuosity and rash advance because
of their failure to appreciate the long-term, ethnic and
international nature of religions in ethnic minority areas."
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In 1957, while speaking at a meeting at the National People's
Congress, Premier Zhou Enlai said that religion would exist for a
long time. "What we should worry about is not whether religion will
continue to exist, but whether our ethnic minorities will
prosper."
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In 1982, the CPC Central Committee document entitled Basic Views
and Policies on Religion in Socialist China, pointed out, "To
think that religion would quickly wither away because of the
establishment of the socialist system and the progress in our
economic and cultural development is unrealistic."
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In 1998, the report of the National Conference of Bureau Chiefs of
Religious Affairs said, "During the primary stage of socialism, not
only will religion continue to exist, it is quite possible that it
might develop to some extent and in some aspects."
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In December 2000 at the National United Front Work Conference,
President Jiang Zemin pointed out, "As a social phenomenon,
religion has a long history and will continue to exist for a long
time under socialism. The ultimate withering away of religion, to
be certain, will be a long historical process, perhaps longer than
that of the class and state."
The point cannot be clearer. In the view of historical materialism,
by the time the class and state wither away, political parties
themselves will have no need to exist. But religion may still be
around. Given the limitation of life and limitless horizon of
knowledge, is there any reason for the Communists not to live
peacefully with religion and treat it amicably?
Second, respecting the
freedom of religious belief and keeping to our basic purposes are
entirely compatible.
The Communist Party is dedicated to realizing and protecting the
fundamental rights of the broad masses. These rights cover many
aspects and certainly include the right to freely choose one's own
religious belief. The difference between theism and atheism should
not lead to antagonism between theists and atheists. To unduly
highlight such a difference even to the point of making it a
question of top priority, to discriminate against the religious
believers and to overlook their identity with the non-believers in
fundamental political and economic interests can only lead to
bitter estrangement between the two groups. Their difference over
whether there is a heaven in afterlife should not keep them from
working hand in hand to make this life a good and worthwhile one.
Respecting citizens' freedom of religious belief will help rally
more people around the cause of national rejuvenation and serve the
grand goal of building a better world.
Third, respecting the
freedom of religious belief has a deep root in our cultural
heritage.
It
is in China's cultural tradition to value peace and harmony.
Imperial buildings were named after harmony. Commoners also saw
harmony as an ideal state for their families, businesses and
friendships, and they wish each other that way. Throughout China's
history one sees few if any massive conflicts between religious
believers and non-believers, or between believers of different
religions, let alone prolonged, repetitious and brutal religious
wars such as the crusades during the Middle Ages and those between
the Protestants and Catholics during the Christian Reformation in
the West. If anything, ancient China was more akin to what John
Locke hoped for in his thesis On Religious Tolerance --
understanding and tolerance of all Christian sects and other
religions. China's dynastic rulers, thanks to their Confucian
belief, treated all religions evenhandedly and pursued a relaxed
religious policy.
It
is also in China's cultural tradition to seek common ground while
reserving differences and draw on different ideas and cultures
around the world. Religion here was taken as a form of culture. The
late Zhao Puchu often talked about an anecdote involving Mao Zedong
during his Yan'an years. One day, Mao passed by a temple and wanted
to enter. "What is it good for", said a companion. "After all, it
is just superstition." "No," Mao disagreed. "It is culture."
Religion is a form of culture -- this is an obvious yet profound
concept, a concept that has a long tradition and immediate
significance. For those in the government, such an understanding
will prevent a simplistic handling of religion as if it is an alien
ideology and help them realize that its positive and meaningful
contents could play a constructive role in real life. For scholars
of religions, such an understanding embodies greater emancipation
of the mind, conceptual renewal, broader vision and a more vigorous
academia. For religious believers, such an understanding means
greater stress on the cultural aspects of religion and greater
demand for culture-conscious believers. And for the society as a
whole, such an understanding means respect for culture as well as
respect for freedom of religious belief.
Fourth, respecting the
freedom of religious belief enjoys the protection of the
Constitution and laws.
China's Constitution stipulates, "Citizens of the People's Republic
of China enjoy freedom of religious belief. No state organ, public
organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or
not to believe in, any religion; nor may they discriminate against
citizens who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion. The
state protects normal religious activities." China's Criminal Law,
Civil Procedure Law, Regional National Autonomy Law, Compulsive
Education Law, Electoral Law of the People's Congresses, Organic
Law of Villagers Committees and others all contain specific
provisions on the protection of citizens' freedom of religious
belief. In China, the state treats all religions equally and the
law protects the equal rights of all religions. While stressing the
protection of the freedom to believe in religions, the law also
provides for protection of the freedom not to believe in religions.
All are equal before the law. Citizens enjoy the right to religious
freedom. On the other hand, they must assume corresponding
responsibilities. Violation of such a right entails legal
responsibility. Anyone, believer or non-believer will be held
accountable if he is found to have broken the law. Protection by
law ensures the continuity and stability of the policy of religious
freedom. It will not be altered by such human factors as a change
of mind by the leaders. Thus, the rights of citizens to religious
freedom will be firmly guaranteed.
The above understanding and practice show that our respect for the
freedom of religious belief is sincere, profound, firm and
consistent. For it is determined by our basic views and fundamental
interest, it has both immediate cause and historical basis, it
represents both a rational choice and a subject of protection by
law. What is happening here -- an atheist political party, a
government that practices separation of politics from religion, a
country where the overwhelming majority of population do not
believe in religion -- is a very special contribution China offers
to the world in the area of protecting human and religious
rights.
The above understanding and practice are also derived from some
negative experience of ours. We do not deny that after 1957, the
Chinese Communist Party made "Left" mistakes. Take the translation
of the "two ruptures" in the "Communist Manifesto" -- the Communist
revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional relations;
no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture
with traditional ideas. Both the translation and understanding of
the word are mistaken. The "ueberliefertern" as was in the original
text was just a modifier for the specific object, referring to the
criticism of Communism at the time, whereas its translation
"traditional" conveys a much broader reference to everything
heretofore. An extra step from truth, thus, lands us in absurdity.
That single word later gave rise to both cultural radicalism and
cultural nihilism. The "cultural revolution" of the 1960s was
turned into a "movement against culture," which included campaigns
to end all religions. It was a profound, costly lesson. Since the
country embarked on reform and opening up, thanks to efforts to
redress the wrongs, tens of thousands of temples, mosques, churches
and monasteries have been rebuilt. If the absurdity of "wiping out
the religions" is unprecedented, the effort to return to our
religious policy is also soul-stirring. With all these ups and
downs and between all these sorrows and joys, the Chinese people as
a whole have heightened their awareness of the right to religious
freedom, their respect for the right ever more steadfast and
profound.
Of
course, this understanding and practice merely reflects our
rational knowledge and the overall situation. We have no intention
to hide the fact that prejudices and misunderstandings still linger
and need to be redressed. In fact, the Communist Party has
constantly educated its members to enhance their understanding of
religion and relevant policies. Modern religious studies in China
have already displayed a renewed prosperity with diversity in
theories and research methods. Given the country's sheer size, it
is almost inevitable that problems occur here and there. Government
departments of religious affairs are charged with the
responsibility to administer and supervise the implementation of
the country's religion-related laws, decrees and policies in
accordance with law.
There are people in the West who, for the purpose of "demonizing"
China, cooked up lies and played up certain individual problems to
make them appear systematic and widespread. They even cited China's
ban of the Falun Gong cult as evidence of "religious persecution."
Prejudice is farther from truth than ignorance. Geographical
distance, however great, is nothing compared to prejudice when it
comes to blocking the understanding and exchanges between
peoples.
The Facts
What is important, as some friends may say, is not so much talking
about respect for freedom of religious belief but looking at the
hard facts.
Let us look at the facts. Right now, China has over 100 million
believers of various kinds of religions. The number of Protestants,
now standing at over 10 million, has grown more than a dozen times
in the past half century than in all the previous century and half.
The number of Catholics has grown to 4 million, up by 1 million
from 1949. The population of the 10 ethnic minorities believing in
Islam totals 18 million. According to statistics, by 1996, there
were 85,000 Buddhist, Taoist, Islamic, Protestant and Catholic
religious sites in the country, over 300,000 clergymen, 3,000-plus
religious organizations and 74 religious seminaries and schools.
Chinese religious circles maintain contacts and exchange programs
with religious organizations in over 70 countries and regions
across the world. Religious personages participate extensively in
China's political life, and 17,000 of them have served as deputies
to the People's Congresses and members of the Chinese People's
Political Consultative Conference at various levels.
Let me give you some examples.
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On Beijing's busiest Wangfujing Street, people can find the
Oriental Plaza and the New Dong'an Market, investment projects of
Hong Kong tycoons Li Ka-shing and Kwok Ping-sheung. It is a highly
prized real estate zone in the city's commercial center. Yet, next
to the market is a Catholic church, first built in 1655 and burnt
down twice in the past. The Beijing Municipal Government, braving
tremendous pressure from developers, insisted on refurbishing the
church and expanding the square in front of it.
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The White Cloud Taoist Temple in Beijing had been in a state of
disrepair since the end of the Qing Dynasty until China's Taoist
Association had it thoroughly renovated a couple of times after
liberation. Thanks to repeated negotiations to implement the
religious policy, a piece of its land in the vicinity, which was
once occupied by a factory, has been returned to the temple.
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The Amity Printing Company in Nanjing attached to the Chinese
Protestant Church has printed to date 25 million copies of the Holy
Bible.
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The number of Chinese Muslims able to make a pilgrimage to Mecca
was extremely small before New China was established. In the past
decade and more, thanks to flights chartered by the Chinese Islamic
Association, over 50,000 Chinese Muslims have smoothly and safely
completed their Hajj.
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The changes to the Jokhang Monastery in Tibet after renovation are
there for all to see and judge.
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The Great Buddha at the Temple of Heaven in Hong Kong is a great
attraction. Quite a few similar sites have been built on the
mainland, including the Lingshan Buddha in Wuxi. In Sanya, the
southernmost city of China, a massive, elegant Buddhist temple has
been erected. On a nearby man-made island, a statue of Southern
Mountain Avalokitesvara, 108 meters tall, will be built. It will be
able to rival the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor.
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Last August, seven national leaders of China's five major religions
attended the Millennium Summit of World Religious and Spiritual
Leaders at the United Nations. Priest Min Zhiting, Chairman of the
Chinese Taoist Association, chanted prayers at the opening ceremony
for the well-being of all mankind. In his speech, Bishop Fu
Tieshan, head of the Chinese religious delegation, put forward the
proposals of China's religious circles for the preservation of
world peace.
People from China's religious circles often speak of the "golden
period" in referring to the religious freedom they fully enjoy
today under the protection of the Constitution and relevant
laws.
Harmony without Sameness
As
we reflect on China's past experience regarding religious affairs
and look ahead into the new century, I can not but emphatically
mention two key policies: respect the freedom of religious belief
and persevere in running religious affairs independently.
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Respect for the freedom of religious belief is based on our sincere
respect for the choice made by large numbers of religious believers
and the objective law of religion's existence and development.
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Perseverance in running religious affairs independently is based,
too, on our sincere respect for the expressed will of the Chinese
people and the historical facts of China's prolonged suffering
under imperialist aggression and exploitation.
The will and choice of the people cannot be changed, nor can
objective law and historical facts. These two policies are made not
randomly, but after careful consideration. They are not shallow and
simplistic, but thorough and profound. They are not for show but
will be conscientiously implemented. They are not subject to
willful alteration, but will enjoy a prolonged stability and
continuity. Absence of any of the two will threaten the very
existence of China's religions, and overlooking any of the two will
cause confusion and unnecessary losses. Practice shows that these
two principles, once adhered to properly, will effectively protect
the human rights of the believers, maintain state sovereignty and
help the religions to adapt to the socialist society.
To
run religious affairs independently does not mean running it in
isolation or seclusion. With continued economic globalization and
WTO membership, China will open wider to the outside world, and so
will its religions.
We
are ready to join the international community in safeguarding the
religion-related human rights. Bearing in mind the basic principles
on religious freedom in the World Human Rights Declaration and our
own experience in maintaining freedom of religious belief, we wish
to submit a five-point proposition as follows:
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In response to the distortion of and trampling on religious
freedom, we call for more effective legislative, judicial and
administrative measures for the realization and guarantee of
freedom of religious belief.
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In response to the rising threat of religious extremism, carried
out in the name of religion, we call for concerted international
efforts to combat it in defense of world peace.
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In response to the bullying of and intervention in other countries
by hegemonism and power politics, which uses religious issues as
pretexts, we call for dialogue in lieu of confrontation and full
respect for the sovereignty of all countries and their practice of
protecting religious freedom.
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In response to the local conflicts and crises caused by ethnic and
religious factors in the post-Cold War era, we call for mutual
respect and tolerance on the part of all religions and religious
sects.
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In response to the interaction and convergence of the world's
diverse civilizations, we call for enhanced understanding and
exchange on the basis of seeking common ground while setting aside
differences so as to promote common development of the human
civilizations.
Countries in the world differ in history and tradition, cultural
background, and social system, and certainly in value systems.
Their religious situations are as different as they can be. This is
the result of many factors, past and present, at work, and no one
can judge which is better or worse than the other, which is right
or wrong. Our world, after all, is a diverse and colorful place.
Understanding of religious freedom may vary from one social system
to another. This is why we need to be culturally conscious,
striving for harmony but not sameness (Fei Xiaotong). To be
culturally conscious means that we should realize the limitations
of our own culture and be prepared to accommodate other cultures,
thus attaining the state of "harmony without sameness." "Every
nation treasures its own merits and respects those of others. When
merits and merits are shared, there will be great harmony in the
world." All that is true, good and beautiful are on the same
wavelength, be they religious or secular in form and be they
measured with the values of the East or the West. A narrow-minded
soul would view any difference as opposition and diversity as
adversary. But to a broad-minded one, difference means richness in
colors and postures, and diversity embodies unity and harmony.
(china.org.cn October 10, 2002)