General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Xi Jinping (C) and the other newly-elected members of the Standing Committee of the 18th CPC Central Committee Political Bureau Li Keqiang (3rd R), Zhang Dejiang (3rd L), Yu Zhengsheng (2nd R), Liu Yunshan (2nd L), Wang Qishan (1st R), Zhang Gaoli (1st L) meet with journalists at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, capital of China, Nov. 15, 2012. [China News Service] |
The National People's Congress (NPC), China's top legislature, and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the country's top political advisory, recently began their annual meetings, discussing the "Chinese dream," a political framework to guide national thought. The general public was first introduced to this phrase three months ago after Xi Jinping, China's new general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, mentioned it while touring an exhibition highlighting the achievements made by Chinese people.
What does this phrase mean in terms of real politics? In light of a new Chinese leadership team, the phrase can mostly be understood as an open framework for political thought in creating new policies. The term's political message underscores its open nature; the "Chinese dream" will help define China and its relationship with the world.
Countries with similar historical experiences to China will more readily understand the meaning behind the "Chinese dream." These experiences include century-old lessons learned through the invasion and oppression by Western powers, leading to internal reforms and rebellion. The "Chinese dream" is rooted in China's identity as a rapidly developing Southern nation, and the commitment to gain strength as to avoid a repeat of subservience to outside forces and domestic chaos. In Xi's words, "to revive the Chinese nation is our greatest dream."
The thought behind the Chinese dream has been careful to avoid three sources of influence: radical Soviet-style internal reform; Westernized external expansion; and Chinese-style obsessive closed door deliberation. The "Chinese dream" will not necessarily be successful because it chooses to avoid these three dangerous pitfalls, but steps to avoid such common political problems create more possibilities for the dream to work. As indicated by Fu Ying, the year's National People's Congress spokeswoman, the idea that China lags in political reform is a myth created by Western perspectives.
The Chinese dream balances the concerns and interests of the state, the private sector and grassroots actors equally. The reform and opening-up policy marked the rise of the private sector. The Third Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, held in 1978, paved way for the promotion of a market mechanism. The legitimacy of the CPC was initially founded on core economic growth, poverty reduction and the improvement of Chinese living standards.
The next year of significance in China's political legitimacy took place in 2003, signifying a new shift in power. Information communication technologies (ICTs) and grassroots activists took the country by storm, and played an important role during the SARS crisis. The state, market and grassroots organizations banded together, and this broad triangular power structure opened new avenues for political dialogue.
The "Chinese dream" is based on important Chinese values. From 1840 onwards, Chinese history is decorated with examples of learning from others, as well as the degradation of Chinese traditions. Women are freer than ever before and relationships are less hierarchical. Individuals are learning the importance of living a frugal lifestyle, but few have forgotten the importance of quality education. The story of Mencius' mother moving three times to better her son's education two thousand years ago continues to inspire present Chinese society. These are the most resilient Chinese values that enrich the political implications of the "Chinese dream."
The author is a columnist with China.org.cn. For more information please visit: http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/xupeixi.htm
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