West should respect Ukraine’s special ties with Russia
- By Greg Cusack
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E-mail Shanghai Daily, March 7, 2014
History and Russian memories
The Ukrainian and Russian peoples’ cultural and historical ties are complex, having begun over a thousand years ago with a grouping of Slavic peoples organized as the Kievan Rus’, the precursor to the nation of Russia.
A good part of what is modern Ukraine was this peoples’ homeland. By the 16th and 17th centuries, however, the cultural divide between the western portion of Ukraine — seeking closer ties with the West — and the eastern and southern portions — with historically closer ties to Russia — had already developed.
Ukraine became part of the Soviet Union in 1922 as the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. During the chaos of World War II, many Ukrainians fought against both the Nazis and the Soviets in a desperate struggle for national independence. In 1945, those efforts having failed, the Ukrainian SSR was one of the founding members of the United Nations; it remained part of the Soviet Union until the latter’s dissolution in 1991.
One of Stalin’s key concerns following World War II was to make certain that neighboring countries through which the West had twice invaded Russia — France in 1812 and Germany in 1941 — were dependably allied with Russia.
In truth, why should Russia be any more passive in this respect than the United States? Other nations certainly remember the Monroe Doctrine of 1923, when the American president essentially told the rest of the world to keep its hands off the entire Western Hemisphere.
And, as the United States gained in economic and military power, it became even more aggressive in asserting its right to ensure that countries in its hemisphere were friendly to it.
As recently as the early 1960s the US and Russia came to the brink of nuclear war because of Russian missiles in Cuba and, in the 1970s America funded the Contra forces warring against the Nicaraguan Sandinistas.
My point here is not that past American violations of international law warrant similar behavior by other states today but, rather, that knowledge of our past ought to infuse America’s diplomatic efforts with greater wisdom and a generous heaping of humility.
What is the best outcome we can hope for in Ukraine? Well, for one thing, we can all celebrate the remarkable fact that, so far at least, this has been a bloodless confrontation. Praise to all involved!
Moving forward, the West should take every opportunity to reassure Russia — and remind Ukraine’s leadership — that the West respects and supports Ukraine’s special relationship with Russia.
This should not be an “either/or” tug of war between Russia and the West. There is every reason for all parties involved to celebrate the many diverse cultures and their histories in the Ukraine. Greater Europe (including Russia) is richer for it.
But there may have to be some political changes. For instance, the Ukraine could adopt a more federal structure, allowing greater autonomy of, and representation to, its various regions. Nonetheless, if the citizens of Crimea, for instance, vote to secede from Ukraine and petition to be annexed by Russia, the Ukrainian leadership may well have to choose between swallowing hard and allowing it, or initiating military force to attempt to stop it.
I do not pretend to know what the wisest option might be. Of this I am certain, however: Only the slow, laborious process of seeking mutual respect, understanding, and the pursuit of collective self-interest holds the promise of breaking the cycle of rivalry, anger and recrimination.
And this process can best be facilitated if all parties would truly work for solutions that would best honor the interests of both Ukraine and Russia.
I have noticed that China’s government has called for restraint and consultation on all sides. Perhaps China could offer her services as just the kind of “honest broker” this situation needs. This is one of the heavy burdens that nations with world power status must occasionally assume.
The author has been a college teacher of American history and political science and the director of the US National Catholic Rural Life Conference. He was a member of the Iowa State House of Representatives and retired from public service in the Iowa executive branch in 2004. Shanghai Daily condensed his article.
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