Crimea returned to Russia, leading to the latter's exclusion from the G8 and other sanctions posed on the nation such as freezing the assets abroad of its major political figures. Yet these sanctions have thus far hardly yielded any tangible results. Furthermore, pro-Russian forces in eastern Ukraine have now followed suit and are trying to separate from Ukraine. Ukraine has to mobilize its forces to tackle "terrorism," only to encounter Russia's military strain, which means the Geneva agreement recently reached has been effectively undone.

The United States has been using harsh words against Russia, warning that Russia would pay a grave economic price if it invaded Ukraine and encroached on its territory. Nevertheless, Russia has turned a deaf ear. As Philip Stephens, columnist with the Financial Times, writes, "George W. Bush's response to unbendable adversaries was to bomb them; and, if they did not listen, to bomb them again. Barack Obama has decided the United States should talk to its enemies; and, if they do not listen, well, it should talk to them again."

Some U.S. analysts have suggested the nation take up new containment policies as it did during the Cold War along with Europe. Yet Obama does not have the guts nor does the United States have the power it used to hold. Moreover, the impact Uncle Sam has on its European buddies is no longer in its heyday. The United States and European countries are therefore taking policies akin to the appeasement policies run by Britain and France before World War II. Deeply aware of the mentality on both sides and the impossibility for them to take joint efforts, Putin handles Russia's Slavic neighbor consistently and wears off the two's patience in the deadlock.

Though the United States and Europe seem to be taking the high road in rhetoric and gain more appeal in the international arena, Putin handles the situation unswervingly and does not yield or compromise despite sanctions from both sides of the Atlantic. More importantly, Russia has not gone into war with Ukraine; instead, it only exercised its military muscles to respond to eastern Ukraine's anti-terrorism operation. As for the accusations made by Western nations that Russia sends militants to eastern Ukraine, these have yet to be substantiated.

The Russian Federation's Parliament authorized Putin to mobilize forces on Ukraine's territory on March 1, as if to embarrass the United States and Europe. Though Russia has not yet gone to that length, the States and Europe are at their wit's end.

Europe's response is much milder than that of their U.S. partner. Some conservatives within the European Union prioritize the EU's internal issues over intervening in the Ukraine issue. Moreover, a number of right-wings in Europe have come to regard the hard-line Putin as their new idol. In another article Philip Stephens wrote for the Financial Times, he thinks that neo-Nazi Jobbik in Hungary and Golden Dawn in Greece will be supporters of Putin. "Nigel Farage, the head of the UK Independence party, has been positively gushing about the Russian president. Marine le Pen, who heads France's National Front, accuses the EU of hypocrisy over Crimea," Stephens added.

The fact Putin has won support from within the EU borders on sarcasm. Yet these right-wings may weaken the pressure the EU intends to put on Russia. In addition, Russia is also backed by some practical-minded entrepreneurs. Large European enterprises such as Siemens of Germany, or U.K. petroleum enterprises, which conduct business with Russia, do not want to see the United States and Europe embroiled in another Cold War, or even a real war, with Russia over Ukraine.

Ukraine may seem like Sarajevo before World War I, or Poland before World War II, but Russia is by no means the Germany that dragged Europe into war. What now goes on between Russia and the both sides of the Atlantic is a war of words. The sanctions and counter-sanctions together form a meaningless and protracted game played between Russia and the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean.

The author is a researcher with the Charhar Institute.

The article was first published in Chinese and translated by Zhang Lulu.

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.

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